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1

Why Medieval Europe Was Terrified of Jewish Magic

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Nogent; Aronius, 8757; according to Luther, “Ein Jiide stickt so vol Abgotterey und zeuberey, als neun Kiie har haben, das ist: unzelich und unendlich” (Werke, LIII [Weimar 1920], ““Vom schem Hamphoras,” p. 602).

the Jews of his realm to abstain from the practice of magic. Philippe le Bel, in 1303, found it necessary, in order to retain control over “his Jews,” to forbid the Inquisition to proceed against them on the charge of sorcery (Lea, III, 449). On the other hand, in 1409, Pope Alexander V ordered the Inquisitor of Avignon, Dauphiné, Provence and Comtat Venaissin to proceed against several categories of persons “‘including Jews who practised magic, invokers of demons, and augurs” (Thorndike, III, 37).

Angl. ad An. 1188, f. 108b, cited by Prynne, I, 7-8; Schudt, IV, 2, p. 331; Jacobs, Jews of Angevin England, 342. The Hebrew version of this persecution in the account of Ephraim of Bonn, while not specifying the nature of the charge which prompted the attack, makes it clear that some such unwarranted accusation was responsible; see Neubauer and Stern, 69, and Wiener’s edition of ‘Emek Ha- Bachah, Leipzig 1858, p. 9.

Jehiel see Gross, Gallia Judaica, 513, and Jacobs, op. cit., 225, 229.

Tos. M.K. 21a; Yore Deah 387:2; Pes. 8b and Rashi, ad loc.; Responsa of Hayim Or Zarua, $144; Giid. III, 153; Zimmels, 82; HaOrah, II, 127, p. 219.

Gid. I, 136; Maharil, Hil. Mez.; Yore Deah, 291:2; but see pp. 146 ff. above.

43, 54 ff.; JE, VIII, 417, Scherer, 41, §6.

pp. 2-3; Thorndike, III, 525-6.

g. Luther, Werke, LI (Weimar ed.), “Eine vermanung wider die Juden,” p. 195; S. Dubnow, History of the Jews in Russia and Poland, I, 243 (Phila. 1916); Aronius, §724-5; 7E, III, 233; Thorndike, III, 234; Scherer, 45, 53, 333,

272 JEWISH MAGIC AND SUPERSTITION

369 ff., 577 ff. “So stand es im 13. und 14. Jahrhundert mit den Juden in der Nahe der Stadt Bonn. Hatte man friiher die Juden mit den bésen Hexen in ursdchlichen Zusammenhang gebracht, so mussten sie nunmehr fiir den Ausbruch ansteckender Krankheiten und Seuchen, wie die Pest, verantwortlich gemacht werden” (Joesten, 10-11); cf. Wickersheimer, Les Accusations d’Empotsonne- ment, etc., Anvers 1927. In some places the Black Death was attributed to the incantations as well as to the poisons of the Jews (Lea, III, 459).

Sozial- und Wirtschaftsgeschichte der Fuden, II, 196, 204; Aronius, 8330; Scherer, 349 f., 411 ff.

telowitz, Das stelluertretende Huhnopfer, ch. 12: “Gibt es im Judentum Ritual- mord?”; D. Chwolson, Die Blutanklage und sonstige mittelalterliche Beschul- digungen der Fuden, Fkft. 1901; S. W. Baron, A Social and Religious History of the Jews, N. Y. 1937, III, 38, 106.

629, etc. This belief is not yet altogether dead. It was until recently (if not still today) believed by many people in the vicinity of Graz that the doctors of the local hospital annually executed a young patient, boiled his body to a paste and utilized this as well as the fat and charred bones in concocting their drugs (Sum- mers, 161).

garicum decades, Decad V, Book 4, ed. C. A. Bel, Leipzig 1771, 728, cited in Strack, 202; J. W. Wolf, Beitrage zur deutschen Mythologie, Leipzig 1852, p. 249, cited in Giid. III, 119, n. 1; Prynne, I, 30; Wiener, Regesten, pp. 236 f.; Graetz, History (Eng.) V, 177, quoting John Peter Spaeth of Augsburg; Summers, 195. Scherer, p. 435, quotes from an anonymous fifteenth-century lampoon:

Es wer vil mer zu schreiben not,

Wie wir den christen tuen den tod

Mit mancher wunderlicher pein

An iren clein kinderlein.

Wir fressen dann ir fleisch und pluet Und glauben, es kumb uns wol zu guet.

the chapter on Germany in his work The Geography of Witchcraft, London 1927); M. A. Murray, The Witch-Cult of Western Europe; J. Frangais, L’Eglise et la Sorcellerie; Grimm, II, 890; cf. also Giid. I, 220 ff.

145 ff.; Murray, 148; Lea, III, 500; on cannibalism and the use of blood: Sum- mers, 144-5, 160, 161; Murray, 100, 129, 156, 158; Lea, III, 407, 468 ff., 502; on poison, Murray, 124, 125, 158, 279-80; and see also Thorndike under these items in his index. It is even recorded that “in the strife, waged at Bern in 1507, between the Dominicans and the Franciscans, the assertion was made that the Dominicans had used the blood and eyebrows of a Jewish child for secret pur- poses” (7E, III, 264).

Mezulah, 15.

NOTES 273

2

What Jewish Magic Actually Looked Like in Practice

Jewish Magic and Superstition, Ch. 2Public DomainSource text

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vols., London 1918; T. W. Davies, Magic, Divination and Demonology Among the Hebrews and Their Neighbors, London 1898; B. Jacob, Im Namen Gottes, Berlin 1903; A. Jirku, Materialien zur Volksreligion Israels, Leipzig 1914; on Talmudic magic see L. Blau, Das altjiidische Zauberwesen, Budapest 1898; D. Joel, Der Aberglaube und die Stellung des Fudenthums zu demselben, Breslau 1881-3 (Part I devotes some space to the Biblical period); G. Brecher, Das Tran- scendentale, Magie und magische Heilarten im Talmud, Vienna 1850. Very little has been written on the magic of the Geonic period. See Joel’s book, Part II, and J. A. Montgomery, Aramaic Incantation Texts from Nippur, Phila. 1913; J. Wohlstein, Damonenbeschwérungen aus nachtalmudischer Zeit, Berlin 1894; M. Gaster, The Sword of Moses, London 1896; Cyrus H. Gordon, “Aramaic Magical Bowls in the Istanbul and Baghdad Museums,” Archiv Orientdlni, VI (Praha 1934), 319-34.

nim on Ex. 22:17; Moses Taku, Ozar Nehmad, III, 61; cf. Grimm, II, 546. Gaster, Ma‘aseh Book, II, 576 ff., has a typical German folk-tale about a magic ring that could be used to transform a person into a werwolf.—iyuni, 55a; Ma‘aseh Book, II, 320 f.;—S. Has. B, 1166; Hochmat HaNefesh, 12d; cf. Grimm, II, 898; Wuttke, 55;—S. Has. 1453; ciyuni, 26c; Hadar Zekenim on Ex. 8:12; Da‘at Zekenim on Ex. 8:14; HaHayim, IV, 10. Cf. Lea, III, 510: “One precau- tion, held indispensable by some experienced practitioners, was that the witch on arrest was to be placed immediately in a basket and thus be carried to prison, without allowing her feet to touch the earth, for if she were permitted to do so she could slay her captors with lightning and escape’’; cf. also Grimm, II, 899, III, 444, $310.

n. 3; Pa‘aneah Raza on Ex. 22:17-18, p. 69a; Hansen, 131; Lea, III, 405; Ziyuni, 7a, 49C; Nishmat Hayim, III, 23, 24.

83a; Toledot Adam veHavah, 28:1, p. 182b.

(Vienna 1894), 1-11, 37-48; FE, III, 465 ff.; HF, TX, 646 f.; Giid. I, 156 ff.; H. Gross, “Zwei kabbalistische Traditionsketten des R. Eleasar aus Worms,” MGW, XLIX (1905), 692-700.

g. Cf. Kammelhar, 3, 4, 42, 43-5; Ma‘aseh Book, II, 396 ff., 510 ff.; Scholem, Kirjath Sepher, 1V (Jerusalem 1927), 317; Gaster, fewish Folk-Lore in the Mid- dle Ages, 9 ff.; N. Brill (“Beitrage zur jiidischen Sagen- und Spruchkunde im Mittelalter,” in fahrbiicher, IX [1889], 1-71) printed many legends from a six- teenth-century manuscript about the wonders performed by Judah the Pious and his disciples.

Toledot Adam veHavah, 17:5, p. 127b; cf. Lebush on Yore Deah 179: 15.

179:1.

274 JEWISH MAGIC AND SUPERSTITION

b. David HaLevi, middle seventeenth century): “The Torah forbade only the magic of ancient times; nowadays there is no more ‘magic’ in the world, but it is all vanity.”

Thorndike, index, s. v. “Occult Virtue.”

352.

179:16; Piske Recanati 563 (quoting Eliezer of Metz); Moses Taku, Ozar Neh- mad, III, 82; Giid. I, 168 ff.

664:1; Lauterbach, HUCA, II (1925), 353 f.

Abba Mari of Lunel, Pressburg 1838, p. 29.

3

Shedim, Mazzikim, and Ruhot - A Field Guide to Jewish Demons

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Jewish demonology recognizes three main classes of evil spirits, though as SAFE0 Trachtenberg noted, medieval Jews had long stopped distinguishing between them. The shedim (שדים) are the most common, hobgoblins descended from the Babylonian <i>shedu</i>, half-human and half-angelic beings who eat, drink, reproduce, and die, but can also fly and see the future. The mazzikim (מזיקין), or "harmers," are defined by what they do rather than what they are. And the ruhot (רוחות), "spirits," are restless supernatural forces that haunt the margins of human life.

Where did demons come from? The Talmud offers one stunning origin story: God created the shedim at twilight on the sixth day of creation, but the Sabbath arrived before He could finish giving them bodies (Tractate Avot 5:6). They have souls but no physical form, which is why they can be everywhere and nowhere. Rashi linked them to the enigmatic verse in (Genesis 6:19), connecting demons to the mysterious beings who preceded the Flood.

The Zohar added a darker genealogy. When Adam separated from Eve for 130 years after Cain's murder of Abel, female demons, the lilin, followers of Lilith, visited him and bore demonic offspring from his involuntary emissions. Eleazar of Worms, drawing on Sefer Raziel and the Sefer Yezirah, catalogued elaborate hierarchies of demonic princes, each ruling over specific domains of harm.

How many demons exist? According to the Talmud (Berakhot 6a), every person is surrounded by thousands of them. Reichhelm, a 13th-century abbot who claimed the gift of demon-sight, described them as thick as dust motes in a sunbeam. Jewish sources agreed: the air itself teems with invisible spirits. They cluster in ruins, in privies, in places where water is poured out. They are most dangerous at night, especially on Wednesday and Saturday nights. The only protection is awareness. And the right words.

4

How Medieval Jews Protected Themselves from Demons

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Demons were not abstract theology for medieval Jews. They were a daily hazard requiring specific countermeasures, and SAFE0 Trachtenberg catalogued an elaborate system of protections that governed everything from walking at night to using the bathroom.

The most basic rule: never travel alone after dark. The Talmud taught that two people walking together are safer but must stay alert; three together need not fear at all. A torch counted as one companion. Judah ben Bezalel of Prague elaborated in his commentary Derech Hayim that even the light of a candle could repel the spirits that roamed freely between sunset and dawn. The Friday night Amidah prayer was shortened specifically to get worshippers home before demons emerged, though as Professor Ginzberg noted, this was a later superstitious reinterpretation of what was originally just the only evening service of the week.

Certain people attracted demonic attention more than others. A bridegroom and bride were considered especially vulnerable, as were mourners, the sick, and women in labor. The Sefer Hasidim warned against sleeping alone in a house, pouring water at certain hours, and eating food left uncovered overnight, all entry points for demonic contamination.

The most dramatic form of demonic interference was possession. A dibbuk (דיבוק), the spirit of a dead person that enters a living body, appears in Jewish literature from at least the 16th century, first attested in writings about SAFE0 Luria and his students in Safed. A protocol from 1571 describes an actual exorcism. But the concept drew on much older beliefs about restless souls and their ability to cross the boundary between the living and the dead. The Kabbalists linked dibbukim to the doctrine of <i>gilgul</i> (reincarnation), these were souls too damaged to find a new body through normal channels, forcing their way into an already-occupied one.

5

What Medieval Jews Believed About Ghosts and the Afterlife

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Medieval Jewish belief held that the dead do not simply vanish. As SAFE0 Trachtenberg documented, the spirits of the deceased remained active, aware, and dangerously close, capable of helping the living, harming them, or simply refusing to leave.

The theological foundation was the concept of multiple souls. Drawing on Kabbalistic teaching elaborated in texts like Hochmat HaNefesh (the vital soul), medieval Jews understood that a person possesses several spiritual components, the <i>nefesh</i>, <i>ruach</i>, and <i>neshamah (the higher soul)</i>, which separate at death. While the higher soul ascends, the lower soul lingers near the body, especially during the first year. This is one reason Jews visit graves: the dead are literally there, and they can hear.

The Sefer Hasidim is filled with ghost encounters. Judah the Pious reportedly communicated with the dead regularly, and stories circulated of spirits who returned to warn family members, complete unfinished business, or protest improper burial. The scholar Israel Bruna recorded cases of the dead appearing in dreams to deliver messages. Glückel of Hameln, in her famous 17th-century memoirs, described ghostly visitations as ordinary events.

The practice of cemetery visitation on fast days and before Rosh Hashanah (the Jewish New Year) and Yom Kippur (the Day of Atonement) had explicit supernatural logic. Worshippers went to the graves to recruit the dead as intercessors, to ask deceased <i>tzaddikim (a righteous person)</i> (righteous ones) to plead their case before God's heavenly court. The Maharil and other medieval authorities endorsed this practice, and it generated a rich body of liturgy recited at gravesides.

Among the strangest proofs offered for the survival of the spirit after death was this one, cited in the Ziyuni on the authority of "non-Jewish scholars": dice carved from the bones of a corpse will win a man as much wealth as he wishes. The dead, it seems, retained a kind of power. And that power could be harnessed.

6

How Angels Served as Magical Agents in Jewish Tradition

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If demons crowded the dark spaces of medieval Jewish life, angels filled the light. SAFE0 Trachtenberg showed that Jewish angelology was not merely theological, it was operational. Angels could be summoned, directed, and even compelled through the right names and rituals.

The foundation was biblical. (Job 25:3) asks: "Is there any number of His armies?" The Talmud answered: no. The number of angels was infinite, and every domain of creation had its appointed guardian. Eleazar of Worms, the 13th-century German mystic, systematized this into a comprehensive hierarchy documented in Hochmat HaNefesh (the vital soul) and other works. Every nation had a celestial prince (<i>sar</i>). Every city had an angel. Every individual had a personal guardian spirit.

This was not merely a matter of faith. The concept of the <i>memuneh</i> (מְמוּנֶה), the "appointed one" or deputy angel, gave Jewish magical practice its theoretical framework. Each memuneh controlled a specific domain, a nation, a natural force, an hour of the day. If you knew the angel's name, you could invoke it. And if you invoked it correctly, using the proper divine names, it had to respond. The Sefer Hasidim and the Ziyuni both teach that God will not punish any nation until He has first punished its heavenly prince, proving that the earthly and angelic realms are bound together.

The terms for these beings shifted freely. <i>Mazal</i> (star), <i>malach</i> (angel), <i>sar</i> (prince), and <i>memuneh</i> (deputy) were used interchangeably, reflecting a worldview in which angelic and astrological forces merged. The practical result was a system of angel magic in which knowing the right name at the right time gave a person access to cosmic power, always, in theory, mediated through God's ultimate authority, but in practice edging close to the coercive magic the rabbis officially condemned.

7

The Power Hidden Inside God's Secret Names

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book, XLII (1932), 316-60; Ber. 7b; Hag. 3b-4a; S. Has. 363, 364, 366, 375, 377, 1118, 1551, 1552, 1871; S. Has. B 477; Testament of Judah, 26, 28, 61; Hochmat HaNefesh, 24c; Ziyuni 17b; cf. Landshuth, p. xiif., for Biblical and Talmudic references; also Bischoff, 32 ff.

I, 403-47. Methusaleh advised Lamech, father of Noah, to delay naming his son “‘because the people of that generation were sorcerers, and they would have bewitched him if they had known his name” (Da‘at Zekenim on Gen. 5:28).

practice; cf. Ziyuni, 22a: wary 9992 729n [8501 Hipwa woanwnd sw 1s 1D AS 3331p AX mowen. Even the invocation of angels involves a measure of coercion

288 JEWISH MAGIC AND SUPERSTITION

upon God, who is ultivately responsible for their actions; cf. Lebush on Orah Hayim 584:1: nywo and tn) ’n) owny son yo meneNn miypswan nmdsap most gw 85a gy awen aT Iwyrw oxo pind.

p. 81.

7a. Bischoff, 192f., 195, offers an ingenious Hebrew derivation for this word.

S. Has. 1458 (cf. Kid. 71a); Foseph Omez, 279. The practice of altering the names of God in one way or another when writing them, or of substituting short- hand forms, grew up at a very early time. Eighty-three written substitutes for the Tetragrammaton have been listed. For fear of writing even the particle Yah proper names were abbreviated, so that Jehudah became Judah, the final “h” of Elijah and Isaiah was dropped, the number 15 was written 3” instead of n“», etc. See Lauterbach, Proc. Amer. Acad. for few. Research, 1931, 39-67; S. W. Baron, A Social and Religious History of the Jews, N. Y. 1937, III, 48;—Raziel, 2a.

1444, 1448, 1449. Nishmat Hayim III, 28, contains a general discussion of the powers that reside in the holy names, with quotations and proofs.

on the same verse; cf. Giid. I, 169.

Chayim Bloch, The Golem, Vienna 1925; cf. Shelah, III, 65a. In the seventeenth century the question was raised whether a Golem could be counted as one of a minyan (FE, loc. cit.).

Die Golemsage und thre Verwertung in der deutschen Literatur, Breslau 1934.

Moses killed the Egyptian (Ex. 2:11) by merely speaking God’s name; the name of God, engraved on Moses’ staff, caused the sea to divide (Blau, 50, 60). The words ehyeh asher ehyeh yah YHVH zebaot amen amen selah, written on a staff, caused a stormy sea to subside (B.B. 73a).

Ashkenazi, 54 ff. Cf. also J. Mann, Texts and Studies, II, 90 ff.

wsipmam ow concerning which there is considerable difference of opinion, see Griinbaum, Ges. Auf., 190 and 238 ff.; Blau, 125; Grunwald, MG7V, V, 35 and X, 95; 7E, XI, 262 ff.; L. Geiger, Kebuzat Maamarim, ed. Poznanski, Warsaw 1910, p. 98, and Ginzberg’s note, p. 394; H. H. Schaeder, Esra der Schreiber, Tubingen 1930, 53 ff. This term was applied in post-Talmudic times not alone to the Tetragrammaton, but also to the longer names; cf. Hai Gaon in Ashkenazi,

NOTES 289

loc. cit.; Rashi, San 60a, Suk. 45a, Erub. 18b, etc. Raziel, 7a, has a shem hame- forash which altogether defies classification.

the name of 42 letters. The only other reference to this latter name in Talmudic literature is in Lekah Tov to Ex. 3:15, p. 10a, ed. Buber. The name of 72 letters (or elements) is not mentioned in the Talmud, but does occur in one frequently repeated passage of the Midrash: Gen. R. 44:19, Lev. R. 23, beg., Nu. R. 1:11, etc.: MMs ows o yaw nav“apm Sw inwyw. Cant. R. to 2:2 has: In minw 3”y n“apn Sw inww. Blau, 137 ff., suggests that the oldest mystical name is that of 12 letters; 42 and 72 developed out of it later. The name of 72 was known, at the latest, by the first half of the third century. The Talmudic literature, however, gives us no information about these names, what they were, what were their component elements, or how they were constructed.

the list given in the ms. S$. Gematriaot, 72b ff.

V, 5, n. 10. There were several theories as to just which name of God was re- sponsible for the creation of the universe. The one most often advanced is that it was the Tetragrammaton alone, or in conjunction with the particle yah, that did the job. See Eleazar of Worms, Commentary on S. Yezirah, 1c; Jellinek, 33; Grunwald, 77V, I, 388, n. 4. Raziel, 12b, offers an interesting and original hypothesis: God had 73 of His names inscribed at His right hand when He was about to commence the work of creation. Out of the first name there came forth three drops of water which filled the universe; the second provided light; the third, fire; and so forth. When His task was completed He set the name of 42 to keep the celestial waters apart from the terrestrial; it was the removal of this name that caused the flood (p. 14a).

iow 555 sas nwiy inws; Blau, 102 f.; Wohlstein, 30; Montgomery, 60; Jellinek, 33; Grunwald, MFV, XIX (1906), 112; etc.

29, <iyuni 11a, 30b; see also Raziel, 24a-b, 33b.

go. An effort has been made by some scholars to reconstruct the three names known in Talmudic times, those of 12, 42 and 72, on the assumption that they were not the same as those employed in later times. Bacher (Agada der babylonischen Amorder, 17-20) suggests that the 12-letter name was based on the three creative potencies myt m313n msn; and the 42 on the full ten: Dn TON wewr pI¥ Mpa AIA MD Myt m312n ADIN with the addition of the Tetragrammaton. Franck (Kabbalah, 71) derives the name of 42 from the ten Sefirot (cf. also Bischoff, 35 ff., 107 ff.), which, as Ginsburg (Kabbalah, 183) points out, is an obvious anachronism. Robert Eisler (RE7, LXXXII [1926], 157-9) bases the names of 42 and 72 on the thirteen Middot of Ex. 34:6-7. Blau (p. 144), on the analogy of the Greek magical papyri, in which the seven Greek vowels play a great rdle, works out a triangular anagram which, beginning with one YHVH builds up by the addition of one letter at a time to three—this, he maintains, contains the 4-letter name in the first line, the 12 in the last, the 42 in the last four, and the 72 in its totality. Finally, A. Haffer (Hagofeh, II [1912], 127 ff.) derives the 12-letter name from the first three names of God that occur in the Shema‘,myn» 339nd5s 5x, and to make up the 42-letter name he adds the final two words of the Shema‘ and the doxology sys odiyS inis5 T1259 ow 7192. The name of 72 he derives from Deut. 4:34. See also Schwab, Vocabulaire, 28 ff.

290 JEWISH MAGIC AND SUPERSTITION

These theories ring false, and certainly bear no relation to what was con- sidered a potent magic name in the post-Talmudic period; in any event, such efforts are entirely a matter of conjecture and invention, which can in no way be substantiated from the available facts. It seems to me that there is a strong probability that the names of 42 and 72 employed in the Middle Ages were che same as those in use during the first few centuries of the Common Era. Hai Gaon (1oth-11th century) (Ta‘am Zekenim, 57) spoke of them in words which imply that they had been well known for a long time, and the tenacity of tradi- tional lore, especially in a field such as that of mysticism and magic, in which letter-perfection is one of the prime requisites, is a well-known phenomenon.

Nwiy 8? Jona) ow ninw; <iyuni, 6ob:n“apm Ow iaw 4a) JINwss 7A DID) OND ney sae ery te phe a") Ts Nin socks Li -Zunz, Die tsynagogate Poesie des Mittelaliers, Berlin 1855, p. 146.

33- Ms. S. Gematriaot, 74b: pips. nian wowe ssi minis 3”) 1 Dy omspow muenisa miponnm minis 7) on) mim? ums mA? om ON? prow.

intercalated between the second and third verses of the Priestly Blessing. The other three were probably originally included in the text, but dropped out before it was printed in the eighteenth century).

J. Perles, MGW7, XXI (1872), 259-60; ibid., LXXVII (1933), 246; Schwab, op. cit., s. v.; Cordovero’s Pardes, 21:14 (ed. Lemberg 1862, p. 113a), vocalizes the name as I have given it.

(1908), 251-2; Nathan Hanover’s Sha‘are Zion, Vienna 1817, 34b, 35a, 28a, 60a, 63a; REF, LXV (1913), 59-60, where Aptowitzer cites acrostics containing this name which are somewhat older than those in Sha‘are Zion.

Mytd 8) Jews) mA D2) om minis a“> yy Mian wen Nxin1; <iyunt, 6od: miips 1) Sy Jona xvi (a“> read) 3”) Sw ow 9D ATIAYR 19y2 MON ony yt woip oN on > Tmos (85) owsnb) O99) 8799 AnD NPONT O53 DAN 435) ONDE 13w~m) OnpsN yiwsin minw />. An incantation in a sixteenth-century manuscript employs “‘the 22-letter name of the Priestly Benediction” to conjure a divinatory spirit (Grunwald, M7V, XIX [1906], 106). By means of this name the dead will be recalled from their graves at the resurrection; cf. Gaster, Studies and Texts, III, 230; Gollancz, Clavic. Sal., 42. The “Jerusalem” type of amulet- mezuzah (see p. 150 above) includes both benediction and name in a manner indicating their close relationship; cf. Aptowitzer, REF, LXV (1913), 59. An additional item of evidence is provided by a late Italian ms. entitled Sefer Ha- Razim (Ms. D 146, J. T. S. Library) which (p. 18a) combines the name and the blessing in an amulet.

246, 351-2.

1931), Hagigah, 20f. In connection with this name Maimonides launched a bitter denunciation of all these mystical names of God (cf. More Neb. I, 61, 62) which aroused only the faintest echo in Northern Europe. —

niny 2”) on} IN8 ow xsi) own. There were other versions of the name

NOTES 291

of 42, such as that which the Zohar constructed out of the ten divine names mentioned in the Bible (see Ginsburg, Kabbalah, 186-7), and the mnemotechni- cal signs for the ten plagues in the Passover Haggadah which a sixteenth-century ms. designated as this name because their numerical sum (by mispar katan) is 42 (Grunwald, M7V, XIX [1906], p. 119; see also FE, IX, 164); but these were “sports” which never challenged the position of the true name.

This prayer was made much of by the Kabbalists, who also composed other such prayers containing this name in.acrostic; cf. Landshuth, p. xxv; EF, II, 857.

vans Sw pippas mowsnas ssi minis. (See also Bacher, REF, XVIII [1889], 292-3, whose interpretation of this statement is far wide of the mark.) Raziel, 24b: 2 Sw 73 Jy mows Ow /a Te sin mnlw rw piper 19 NSU), own nt; Kiyuni, 2c: 1 Ow nwa nnis wy wy miain> niwena pips; Ms. S. Gematriaot, 74b:nsins /n siwnn sym. Sw /n oy miwsoa pipse Nyame a“ 72 ow mnin Sw; I may add that while the other works cited do not specify that the name of 42 to which they refer is the one of which I have been speaking, Raziel makes it clear that this is so. Cordovero (Pardes, 21:13, ed. Lemberg 1862, p. 112b) offers a complete exposition, through alphabetical permutations, of the derivation of this name from the opening verses of the Bible.

12 f., woefully misunderstood this passage when he stopped at the word 155 and translated it literally as “vessel,” thus making the use of a vessel (he had in mind the many clay vessels that have been found inscribed with Aramaic incantations) obligatory upon the magician. The sentence quoted, and the context, make it unmistakably clear that the “vessel” or “tool” referred to is the name of 72.

40b; ms. §. Gematriaot, 35a, 74b; Seance Kabbalah, 133 ff.; FE, TX, 164.

Tie TeRo tm hes lee Base ad Olio, | OL Ono): IIe DIN T3py>% read: pwp 127 959 ON Uy wes Tipyd on wd 3%) Donn.

XIV (1874) 6-8, 33; Kizur Shelah, Inyane Limmud, p. 150. I have not at- tempted, by any means, to be exhaustive in this presentation of angelic and godly names, Hebraic and foreign. The material is far too vast to permit of any- thing more than a sampling here. Schwab has made the largest collection of such names, and if his etymologies are as often as not dubious, he presents a good survey of the entire field. The purpose of this discussion has been solely to illustrate the type of material under consideration.

sary Volume, Leipzig 1909, p. 345; Gaster, Sword of Moses, p. xiv, 1. 25; Raziel, 5a; Grunwald, M7V, XIX (1906), 112, and fahrb. fiir jiid. Gesch. und Lit., IV (1901), 130-31.

292 JEWISH MAGIC AND SUPERSTITION

Lauterbach, Proc. Amer. Acad. Few. Research, 1931, 40, n. 3; M. Gaster, The Samaritans, London 1925, p. 67.

200, 201; Gaster, MGW7F, XXIX (1880), 554 ff., Folk-Lore, XI (1900), 157 f., Sword of Moses, 19; cf. however, Grunwald, M7V, XIX (1906), 107, where these three terms are invoked not against Lilit, but to gain inspiration for the preparation of an amulet. See also Grunwald, MGW7, LXXVII (1933), 241.

Krauss, ibid., LVI (1908), 253-4; Heller, ibid., LVII (1909), 107-8; Brill, Fahr- biicher, I (1874), 154 ff.; Gaster, Studies and Texts, III, 228; Montgomery, 99.

MG7V, V (1900), 79-84; E. Lévy, REF, LXXXII (1926), 401 ff.; Stein- schneider, Cat. Munich, p. 109.

8

How Jews Used Torah Verses as Magical Spells

Jewish Magic and Superstition, Ch. 8Public DomainAdaptation
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The most widely practiced form of Jewish magic required no special training, no secret names, no angelic invocations. It required only a Bible. As SAFE0 Trachtenberg documented, medieval Jews turned the words of Torah itself into the most versatile magical toolkit in the Jewish supernatural tradition.

The practice was ancient. The Talmud records that reciting the "manna chapter" (Exodus 16) could ensure a person's livelihood, and that certain psalms had specific protective powers. By the Middle Ages, this had developed into an elaborate system codified in the Shimmush Tehillim ("The Magical Use of Psalms"), a handbook that assigned a specific supernatural function to each of the 150 psalms. The 18th-century scholar Schudt noted its enormous popularity among German Jews, calling it "the superstitious little book in which the entire Psalter of David is twisted into all sorts of superstitious purposes."

The technique operated on precise principles. Verses beginning and ending with the word <i>el</i> (God) were considered especially powerful. (Numbers 23:22-23), which begins and ends with both <i>el</i> and <i>lo</i> when read forward and backward, was prized for its palindromic divine-name structure. Prayer books and songbooks were placed in the beds of women in labor and infants as magical protection, a practice paralleled in German folk custom, where hymn books served the same purpose.

The Sefer Hasidim endorsed biblical recitation for protection, and legal codes like the Semag acknowledged the practice without condemning it. The key distinction was intent: reciting a psalm as prayer was piety; reciting it as a spell was magic. But in practice, the line was invisible. When a Jew whispered Psalm 91 over a sick child or wrote verses from Exodus on a doorpost amulet, they were doing both, praying and casting, in a tradition that made no clear distinction between the power of faith and the power of words.

9

Seven Knots and Backwards Psalms to Trap a Demon

Jewish Magic and Superstition, Ch. 9Public DomainSource text

Source Text

36a, 47a, 48b, 57a.

(1923), 295.

hagim, I, 46b, $353; Lauterbach, CCAR Yearbook, XLII (1932), 347 f.; Casa- nowicz, journal Amer. Or. Soc., XXXVI (1917), 165, n. 28; cf. Montgomery, 49; Grunwald, MGW7F, LXXVII (1933), 161; Frazer, The Magic Art, I, 65; Lewy, AR, XXIX (1931), 189 ff.

V (1900), 80 ff.; cf. Gaster, op. cit., 35, 42; Wuttke, 183-4; MGW, loc. cit.

dien, 78; Heller, REF, LV (1908), 69-71; Gaster, Studies and Texts, III, 228; Raziel 33b, 40b; Gollancz, Clavic. Sal., 36.

IV (1892), 559; Tashbez 550; S. Has. B 59; cf. Elworthy, 404 ff. R. Samuel b. Meir felt that while the fifth cup might be unnecessary so far as fear of demons was concerned, it might still be effective against magic (Rashbam and Tos. Pes. 109b, s. v. Raba).

g. Rashi Shab. 66b; Gaster, Sword of Moses, pp. 35, 38, 43; S. Has. 377, numbers; cf. Aristophanes, The Frogs, trans. by Gilbert Murray, N. Y. 1925, p. 86:

The man was talking to the dead, you dog, Who are always called three times—and then don’t hear.

294 JEWISH MAGIC AND SUPERSTITION

4, 19, 22, 121, 125; Raziel, 42a; Perles, Graetz Fubelschrift, p. 28.

90; Grimm, I, 503, 505, III, 469, 8950; Lowinger, Der Traum, 30 f.; Kugler, Hilprecht Anniversary Volume, 308. There are many examples of nine in me- dieval Jewish magic and superstition; see, e.g., S. Has. 1468; B 1146; Gid. I, 117, n. 7, 206, n. 2; Grunwald, MF7V, XIX (1906), 114, 116. ie

[1906] 114); 10, connected with the Ten Commandments (Gaster, Studies and Texts, III, 228; MF#V, XIX, 116); 6 (Shimmush Tehillim, Ps. 8, 122); 21 and

Thorndike, I, 93, 174; Wuttke, 184.

statement relating Me‘agel to a town of that name); Ziyuni 22b; Levita, Tishbz, s. v. Lilit; cf. Daiches, p. 32; Scheftelowitz, Stell. Huhnopfer, ch. 6; De Givry,

5; Marmorstein, MGW7, LXXI (1927), 48; FE, V, 46; Giid. I, 52-3; Isserles, Yore Deah 340:3 (cf. Krauss, M7V, LIII [1915], p. 18);—Shimmush Tehillim, Ps. 2, 5, 7, 18, 19, 20, 21, 37, 92, 109, 119, 125; Raziel, 41b, 42a, 45a; Ms. S. Gematriaot, 56b, 70a. According to Schudt (II, VI, 6:5), Nu. 11:2, written on a bread-crust, was thrown into a fire to extinguish it.

116 f.; Lea III, 451 ff.; Grimm III, 420, 430;—-Gaster, Sword of Moses, 39, 868; Giid. I, 207, n. 2.

MGV, V (1900), 82.

1g. Giid. loc. cit.; S. Has. B 1159, 1162; Hochmat HaNefesh 29d; Ziyuni 5c; Thorndike II, 350.

FFV, 1 (1923) 291 ff.; Rashi Shab. 57b; Gandz, Isis, XIV (1930), 194; Gaster, op. cit., 51; Wohlstein 16; Rokeah $316, p. 83a; Nishmat Hayim III, 18; J. Lipez, 35; cf. Montgomery, 52; Grimm II, 983; Wuttke 461; I. Scheftelowitz, Das Schlingen- und Netzmotiv im Glauben und Brauch der Volker, Giessen 1912; cf. also S$. Has. 380, 1162, 1566, 1910; Pa‘aneah Raza 67a. For the use of asar with this special meaning in older Jewish literature see Targum fon. Deut. 24:6; Aggadat Bereshit, Introd. 38; L. Ginzberg, Geonica (1909), p. 152.

Schudt, loc. cit., reports an interesting instance of sympathetic magic: to put out a fire, one would go to a spot where he could overlook the entire conflagration, and, while slowly reciting Nu. 11:2, pour with each syllable a drop of water into a pan of burning coals.

Stell. Huhnopfer, ch. 9, 12; Grunwald, 77V, I (1923), 19; FE, III, 260;—Raziel 41a; MGV, loc. cit.. MJV, XIX (1906), 112; Pa‘aneah Raza 86b; cf. Gaster, op. cit., 39, 864, 46, n. 6; Gollancz, op. cit., 25-6. It should be noted that the inclusion of sweat in these prescriptions ran counter to a strong belief that human perspiration (except that of the face) is poisonous (cf. Yore Deah 116:4). On the “egg laid on a Thursday” see ch. III, n. 52, above. These lines from Hans

NOTES 295

Vintler’s Blumen der Tugend (Grimm III, 422) may be compared with the final recipe:

ettlich legent des widhoffen hertze des nachtes auf die schlauffende liitt, das es in haimlich ding betiitt

vnd vil zaubry vnrain.

Ms. Raziel 31a-b; cf. Gaster, op. cit., 47, §12. A few like recipes are also to be found in the Talmud; cf. e.g, Ber. 6a: “If one wishes to see the evil spirits, he must take the afterbirth of a first-born black cat, which is the daughter of a first- born black cat, burn it and grind it to a powder, and put the ash in his eye.”

Yore Deah 179:19.

10

Gems, Parchment, and Angel Names on Medieval Amulets

Jewish Magic and Superstition, Ch. 10Public DomainSource text

Source Text

367, 1455, 1457. An early Yiddish “Vrauen Bichlein” (Mizgvat HaNashim, Venice 1552, ch. 47) reassured its pious readers that the woman who wears an amulet to the ritual bath “kein Siinde hat,” and that it is no impediment to the performance of the rite and need not be removed.

Lev Tov 6: 129, p. 68b; HaHayim IV, 3; Perles, Graetz Fubelschrift, 35. On the corals see Tashbez 860; Responsa of Meir of Rothenburg, ed. Lemberg, $140; Berliner, Aus dem Leben, 134; Zimmels, Beitrdge, 118, n. 484.

Frangaises de Raschi, Paris 1929, 31, §246); Mah. Vit. 133, n. 35; Rokeah §100; Rabiah 311, §221, and Aptowitzer’s n. 10; Giid. I, 214; Orah Hayim 303: 24 and B’er Heteb, ad loc. A note in ‘Amude Shlomo to Semag I, 65 reads: PSM TIN US ON mI ys O4/ty w“Aay PS TINDD URNS PIM 1oNd MSIDM JIN LINwY ws) Has pd. ay Says ysna yp yas. 995m wna menw, A thirteenth-century Latin ms. reports that “when the women of Salerno fear abortion, they carry with them the pregnant stone” (Thorndike, I, 740), and Wuttke (g1-2) writes that a similar practice existed among the Germans.

Grimm II, 729, III, 443; Lowenthal, A World Passed By, 115; Kizur Shelah, In. Pes., 142 and B’er Heteb on Orah Hayim 477:2, n. 4; M. Schwab, REF, XXIII (1891), 137. Berliner, op. cit., 102, suggests that the belief in certain German districts that a piece of #udenmatz in a house will protect it from fire, may be derived from this use of the Afikomen as an amulet. Yore Deah 305:15 and Lipez, 47; Grunwald, MF#V, XIX (1906), 111, 112, 114; Perles, Graetz Fubelschrift, oger named Moses carve some seals on his pastoral ring to avert disease and bring him fortune (Thorndike, III, 19).

discuss the anti-demonic virtues of red. These works and also Elworthy, The Evil Eye, contain much information on this general subject.

296 JEWISH MAGIC AND SUPERSTITION

5a. Leket Yosher I, 9; cf. Berliner, op. cit., 92 f.; Grimm II, g20, III, 445, §333, 457, $656, 459, $708.

Shab. V, 17; B. B. 16b; FE, Il, 367 and V, 593 ff., 239 ff.; Steinschneider, Kohut Memorial Volume, 45, Hebr. Uebersetzungen, 964; Seligmann, op. cit., 208 ff.

28:17); see Steinschneider, Kohut Mem. Vol., 69-70, for a Hebrew translation by Berachya haNakdan of a Latin treatise on 73 gems; also Midrash Talpiot, s. v. Avanim Tovim, and Segulat HaAvanim.

date or place of their origin; Talmudic (Blau, 93 ff., 117), modern Oriental (Casanowicz, Journal Amer. Or. Soc., XXXVI [1917], 154, 156) and medieval, all are cut after the same pattern.

119 ff.; MG7V, IX (1902), 137 ff.; Gidemann, MGW7, LX (1916), 135f.; Vajda, MF7V, LIX (1918), 33 ff.; Grotte, MGW7, LXVI (1922), 1 ff.; Grun- wald, 77V, I (1923), 209; Grimm, I, 356, n. 4, IIT, 456, 8644, 463, $812; Wuttke, 181-2; Montgomery, journal Amer. Or. Soc., XXXI (1911), 274, Ar. Incan. Texts, 259; Raziel, 42b, 44b; Gollancz, Maphteah Shelomo, passim; the ms. S. Gemaitriaot is liberally sprinkled with hexagrams and pentagrams; Schwab, Vocabulaire, 21. See also ‘““Testament of Solomon,” 7QR, OS, XI (1899), p. 16; Schudt, II, VI, 6:5.

pp. 272, 280; Maphteah Shelomo, passim; Schwab, Ms. No. 1380, 29; Grunwald, M7FV, XIX (1906), 108, 112; Scholem, Kirjath Sepher, IV (1927), 318-9.

145 and Griinbaum, ibid., XXIX (1894), 150 ff.; Steinschneider, Cat. Hamburg, Hamburg, 1878, 55f. (cf. 99 f.); Grunwald, MG7V, V (1900), 60; Pilcher, Proc. Soc. Bib. Archeology, XXVIII (London 1906), 110-118; W. Ahrens, Hebraische Amulette mit magischen Zahlenquadraten, Berlin, 1916; Scholem (MGW7, LXIX [1925], 101 f.) conclusively disposes of the contention that the astrological number-squares were Jewish. I have seen one magical number-square amulet in a late Italian ms. version of Raziel (S$. HaRazim, J. T. S. Library, Ms. D. 146, p. 14a), which was no doubt copied from an earlier text. Cf. also W. Ahrens and A. Maas, “‘“Etwas von magischen Quadraten in Sumatra und Celebes,” Ktschr. f. Ethnologie, XLVIII (Berlin 1916), 232-253.

7c, 8b; HaTerumah, god-91b; Mah. Vit. 133, 835; Rabiah, I, 305; Semag, I, 9c, 865; Raben, §350; Rokeah, 100; Toledot Adam veHavah, 59d, 61a; Lev Tou, 6:112, p. 67a; ‘Amude Shlomo to Semag I, 65 and Solomon Luria’s Responsa, 847; Orah Hayim 301: 25, 27, 334: 14.

century ms.

Amulets, Charms and Talismans, N. Y. 1893; FE, X, 21 ff.; S. Gandz, ‘““The Knot in Hebrew Literature,” Isis, XIV (1930), 198; Blau, 152; Lauterbach, HUCA, II (1925), 362, n. 22; ‘Amude Shlomo to Semag I, 51.

Responsa of Meir of Rothenburg, ed. Cremona, §108; ‘Amude Shlomo to Semag

NOTES 297

II, 23; Shelah, I, 187a (Mas. Hullin). Rashi and his grandson R. Tam illustrate two opposing views in their interpretation of a Talmudic remark to the effect that affixing the mezuzah improperly may be a source of harm; Rashi says, “This is dangerous because if it is not properly attached the house is not protected against demons”; R. Tam says, “If it is set up in an awkward place one may strike against it and hurt himself” (Toledot Adam veHavah, 21:7, p. 1434).

Kizur Shelah, 69 (Hil. Mezuzah); Lipez, 72; Yoffie, Journal of American Folk- lore, XXXVIII (1927), 376.

his very interesting articles in REF, LX (1910), 39-52, LXV (1913), 54-60, and HaZofeh, II (1912), 100-102, upon which this presentation is based. See also Z. Nissan, in Zion, II (1842), 161-4; 7£, VII, 532 f.

term mp3 72nd, “large writing,” to describe the lettering of a magical inscription on a cake.

Mishneh Torah, Hil. Tefillin, V, 4; Kol Bo, §90; Raziel, 8a; ms. Ez Hayim, p. 1024 (601 of original); Kizur Shelah, Hil. Mezuzah, p. 69.

veHavah, 21:6, p. 142d; and the sources cited in REF, LX (1910), 42, n. 5. Ms. S. Gematriaot, 62a, repeats the words of Asufot, cited in REF, LXV (1913), 56, n. 3, but does not admit any indebtedness to Sherira Gaon.

this name of 14 letters; cf. Gaster, Studies and Texts, III, 230 and Gollancz, Clavic. Sal., 42.

11

How Medieval Jews Waged War Against Demons

Jewish Magic and Superstition, Ch. 11Public DomainAdaptation
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Medieval Jews did not merely fear demons. They fought them, systematically, ritually, and with an arsenal of weapons that combined Talmudic tradition, Kabbalistic innovation, and sheer practical ingenuity. SAFE0 Trachtenberg documented this ongoing spiritual warfare in painstaking detail, revealing how nearly every aspect of daily life was structured around defense against invisible enemies.

Night was the most dangerous time. The Talmud (Berakhot 43b) warned that a scholar should not go out alone after dark. Rashi explained why: demons are more envious of scholars than ordinary people. The bedtime Shema was not merely devotional, it was a protective incantation, fortified over the centuries with additional mystical prayers from the "practical Kabbalah" designed to create a shield around the sleeper. The Testament of Shabbetai Horowitz prescribed detailed nighttime defenses including psalm recitation and angelic invocations.

Certain life transitions were especially vulnerable moments. Childbirth attracted demonic attention above all else. The custom of drawing a protective circle around the mother's bed appears in sources across centuries. Kapparot, the ritual of swinging a chicken over one's head before Yom Kippur (the Day of Atonement), functioned as a substitution offering, transferring sins and demonic attachment to the animal. The custom drew detailed treatment in the codes, from the Maharil to the Shulhan Arukh.

Tashlich, the Rosh Hashanah (the Jewish New Year) ceremony of casting sins into flowing water, carried anti-demonic overtones that J.Z. Lauterbach explored in an exhaustive 1936 study. Water was itself both dangerous and purifying. Washing hands after leaving a cemetery protected against spirits that clung to mourners. Covering mirrors in a house of mourning, a practice not actually found in medieval sources, evidently a later borrowing, arose from the fear that the soul's reflection could be snatched by the ghost of the deceased.

Even mundane acts required vigilance. Leaving a knife blade-up invited danger, one German-Jewish saying held that the upturned blade "cuts the face of the dear Lord and of the angels," provoking retaliation. Pairs were dangerous: drinking an even number of cups at a meal invited demonic harm. The Passover Seder's four cups were debated, R. Samuel ben Meir argued a fifth cup might not be necessary for demons but could still ward off magic.

12

Mandrakes, Memory Foods, and the Evil Eye in Nature

Jewish Magic and Superstition, Ch. 12Public DomainSource text

Source Text

Tishbi, s. v. bulmos;—Gid. I, 213; Raziel, 15a;—Mah. Vit. 501;—Rashi on Ps. 103:5; Ginzberg, Legends, V, 51, n. 151; Giidemann, Religionsgesch. Studien, Leipzig 1876, 55-63.

adne or abne hasadeh of Job. 5:23, and the Yadu‘a, an animal employed in magic rites; Rashi, San. 65a), repeated in Semag, I, 39; ms. Ez Hayim, 991 (580 of original). See E. Fink, MGW#, LI (1907), 173-82; L. Ginzberg, A. Schwarz Festschrift (1917), 329-33 (“Der Grundzug dieser Legende, die Pflanze, deren Bertthrung Tod bringt ist jiidisch und sehr alt.... Sehr jung dagegen und wahrscheinlich germanischen Ursprunges—findet sich daher nur bei den deutsch- franzOsischen Autoren—st die Umwandlung der todbringenden Pflanze in einen ‘vegetabilischen Menschen,’ die Raschi noch unbekannt ist”; p. 331), and Legends, V, 50, n. 148 and VI, 123, n. 720; cf. Thorndike, I, 597, 626, II, 142, III, 484, 566; Grimm, II, 1006 f.; Wuttke, 102-3; Frazer, Folk-Lore in the O.T., Il, 377 ff.

cussed in detail: I. Low, Flora, IV, 347 ff.; Zimmels, Minhat Bikkurim (Vienna 1926), 1-9; FE, Il, 538 ff.; J7V, II (1925), 349; Ginzberg, Legends, V, 51, n. 150; cf. Jacobs, Jews of Angevin England, 54, 92; Thorndike, I, 491, II, 200, 386, 464-5..

mah, 8ob, §217, 218; Mah. Vit. 123, 86 (cf. G. Schlessinger, Die altfranzésischen Worter im Machsor Vitry, Mainz 1899, p. 35); Raben, 60; Responsa of Meir of Rothenburg (Lemberg), 160; Moses Taku, Ozar Nehmad, III, 78, 82; Orhot Zadikim, 95a;—Leket Yosher, I, 104; S. Has. B 1153; Tashbez, 553; Responsa of Hayim Or Zarua, 146; S. Has. B 589; Ziyuni, 48a; Hochmat HaNefesh, 14c; Rashi and Tos. Shab. 54b; Or Zarua, II, 19a, §83.

Lev Tov, ch. 10, p. 102b; Orah Hayim 608:4. Garlic, in particular, enjoyed high repute as an aphrodisiac in the ancient world; see I. Low, op. cit., II, 144. Maharil, loc. cit., refers to Erdapfel (this was at the turn of the fifteenth cen-

NOTES 3°3

tury, long before potatoes were introduced in Europe) which I have translated “melons”; see Grimm, Deutsches Worterbuch, s. v.

of Meir of Rothenburg (Cremona), §124; Lev Tov, 1014; Isserles, Orah Hayim 88:1. The concluding quotation is from Ziyuni, 50d; see also ibid. 50c.

62a-b, Orah Hayim, 240:7.

g. Nid. 16b; Pes. 112b; Blau, 55, 56; Rokeah, $317, p. 86b; Joseph Omez, §190, 191, Pp. 43.

HaNashim, ch. 65, 66; Griinbaum, Fiidischdeutsche Chrest., 273-4, 2763 <1yunt, 15a.

Mizvat HaNashim, ch. 64; Gaster, Ma‘aseh Book, 1, 242-3, II, 648-9; cf. Pa- ‘aneah Raza, 133b; Thorndike, I, 177, IV, 136.

376 ff.; Krauss, MFV, LIII (1915), 20;—Shab. 111a; Yeb. 65b; S. Has. 1918; —Gaster, Studies and Texts, III, 229-30; Gi. I, 216.

and Lev. 12:2; Menahem Recanati, Ta‘ame HaMizvot, 13b. and Commentary on the Pentateuch, beg. of Tazri‘a; Pa‘aneah Raza, 87a; cf. Thorndike, II, 767.

212; in this last-mentioned place may be found a passage from Konrad von Megenberg which offers a striking parallel to the “‘signs’ of Eleazar of Worms: cf. also Thorndike, I, 177, II, 329, 744, etc.

238.

86a; Leket Yosher, I, 45, Il, 6, 15; foseph Omez, pp. 45, 273, 343, 354; paral- lels to these beliefs may be found among other peoples, cf. I. Goldziher, ‘“Muhammedanischer Aberglaube tiber Gedachtnisskraft und Vergesslichkeit, mit Parallelen aus der jiidischen Litteratur,” Berliner Festschrift, 131-55; Grimm, III, 834, 8463 and n. 1; Wuttke, 315.

8575, p- 123; Isserles, Orah Hayim 260:1; ‘Emek Beracha, Il, 53, p. 64a; Yesh Nohalin, 26a, n. 35; cf. Griinbaum, Ges. Auf., 423, 424; Goldziher, op. cit., 133; Low, Die Finger, p. xxii; JE, TIX, 149; also Orah Hayim 179:6.

MFV, XIX (1906), 118; cf. Heller, REF, LV (1908), 69 ff., and Krauss, ibid., LVI (1908), 253-4;—Joseph Omez, $73, p. 17; Lebush on Orah Hayim, 299: 10; Kizur Shelah, 134;—Goldziher, op. cit., 140 ff.; HB, VII (1864), 100, XIV (1874), 58; I. Low, Die Flora der Fuden, I, 203 f.

13

Psalms for Plague and Salamander Skin for Burns

Jewish Magic and Superstition, Ch. 13Public DomainAdaptation
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The boundary between medicine and magic barely existed in medieval Jewish life. Physicians recited psalms over patients. Rabbis prescribed amulets alongside herbal remedies. And the Talmud itself contained medical advice that blurred every line between empirical observation and supernatural intervention. SAFE0 Trachtenberg mapped this hybrid world, showing how Jewish healing practices drew simultaneously on Greek medical tradition, folk remedies, and the mystical power of sacred texts.

The Shimmush Tehillim, a guide to the magical uses of Psalms, assigned specific healing powers to individual psalms. Psalm 3 for headaches. Psalm 6 for eye disease. Psalm 49 for fever. Psalm 119, the longest psalm, served as a general-purpose healing text. The practice of writing biblical verses on parchment and placing them on the body of a sick person was endorsed by mainstream authorities, Meir of Rothenburg, the leading Ashkenazi halakhist of the 13th century, permitted it explicitly.

Bloodletting was the most common medical procedure, governed by precise Talmudic regulations (Shabbat 129b) that medieval Jews followed strictly. The day of the week, the phase of the moon, and even the patient's recent meals all determined whether phlebotomy was safe. But alongside this quasi-rational approach sat remedies that belonged entirely to the magical sphere. One famous belief held that the salamander was fireproof. The Sefer Hasidim records a story of a sage who debunked the claim by scrubbing a supposedly fire-resistant cloth with vinegar and soap, removing its salamander-extract coating, then showing it burned normally.

Changing a sick person's name was perhaps the most distinctly Jewish healing strategy. Recorded in the Talmud (Rosh Hashanah 16b) and elaborated by the Semag and later codes, the practice aimed to confuse the Angel of Death, who carried a list of names. A person called "Hayim" (Life) or "Hezekiah" (God Strengthens) after a name change was, in some metaphysical sense, a different person, one whose death had not been decreed. The Kol Bo, Sefer Hasidim, and Responsa of Israel Bruna all discuss the practice with complete seriousness.

14

Black-Handled Knives and Child Mediums in Jewish Divination

Jewish Magic and Superstition, Ch. 14Public DomainSource text

Source Text

14¢; S. Has. 14, 391, 1950; B 33.

21d-22a; Torat Ha‘Olah, II, 2-3; Orhot Zadikim, 94b ff.; Ginzberg, Legends, V, 64, n. 4; Franck, 190 f.; Ginsburg, 156.

passages were frequently repeated by the medieval writers, who, following Tal- mudic precedent, distinguished between the innocent “signs” fixed by Eliezer (Gen. 24:14) and Jonathan (I Sam. 14:9-10), and the taking of omens; cf. also Hagahot Maimuniot to Hil. ‘Akkum 11:5. See Marmorstein, 77V, II (1925), 362 ff. for the Aggadic material. Lebush on Yore Deah 179:4 sums up the medieval view.

14th century German ms., “du solt nit globen an zober... noch an die brawen un der wangen iucken”’; see also II, 934 f.

who sneezed immediately died, was cited by a late writer to point the moral of responding “health!” to a sneeze (Grunwald, 77V, I [1923], 219); cf. Grimm, III, 430; Thorndike, II, 330; etc.;—Ber. 24b; Orah Hayim 103:3; etc.

Grimm, III, 450, 8493; Wuttke, 33: “Die Hunde kiindigen durch ihr Heulen einen Todesfall an u. sehen den Tod.” Longfellow (Golden Legend, VIII, “The Village School’’) has put this belief into verse (cf. B. K. 60b):

In the Rabbinical book it saith,

The dogs howl when, with icy breath,

Great Sammaél, the Angel of Death, Takes through the town his flight!

Gid. I, 201, n. 2;—Ziyuni, 49a, 75b; Nishmat Hayim, III, 22; Marmorstein, MGW#, LXXI (1927), 44-5;—Testament of Judah, 850; Orhot Zadikim, 95b (cf. Suk. 28a and Joel, II, 53 f.).

p. 105¢; foseph Omez, 348; Berliner, op. cit., 83; cf. San. 65b-66a and Rashi.

etc.;—Foseph Omez, 278; S. Has. 395; Blau, 149; S. Has. B 59; cf. Digot, III, 177; Grimm, III, 467, $889.

ga. Kol Bo, 41; Lev Tov, 6:66, p. 63c; Isserles, Orah Hayim 296: 1;—Ker. 6a; Hor. 12a; Teshubot HaGeonim, ed. Musafia, p. 7; Mordecai, beg. Yoma;

NOTES 307

S. Has. B 59; Kol Bo, 64; Or Zarua, II, 257, p. 60c; HaManhig, Hil. Rosh. Hashanah, 1; Isserles, Orah Hayim 583:1, 2; Shelah, Il, 145a; ‘Emek Beracha, II, 61, p. 75a; Giid. III, 136. The custom of eating special foods on Rosh Ha- shanah for their good influence upon the future was probably originally a reflec- tion of Roman usage; it is found in medieval and modern Germany, perhaps derived from the Jewish practice, cf. Krauss, M7V, LIII (1915), 11; Gid. ITI, 131, n. 2; Scheftelowitz, AR, XIV (1911), 387-8; Wuttke, 65.

77£., II, 927 ff.; S. Has. 1139, 1450; even so enlightened a man as Mordecai Jaffe (16th century), who denounced most of the methods of divination as “vain and false things that have no reality,’ was obliged to admit that “‘astrologers and lot-casters sometimes disclose the truth”; see his Lebush on Yore Deah 179:1; see Blau, 45 f., for the Talmudic material.

8325, 448, 8421.

14:9, and Pa‘aneah Raza, ad loc.; S. Has. 1544; Giid. I, 206, n. 3; Kol Bo, 852; Kiyunt, 61d-62a; Marmorstein, MGW7, LXXI (1927), 45; Tyrnau, Minhagim, 28b, §216; Isserles, Orah Hayim 664:1; Mateh Moshe, 8957; foseph Omez, 233, 81051; Yalkut Reubeni, 10d; cf. Elworthy, 78 f.; Von Negelein, AR, V (1902), 19; Digot, III, 182; Grimm, III, 436, 855; Wuttke, 221; Lowinger, M7V, XXXIV (1910), 53.

and B 547; cf. Daiches, 26, 27; Grimm, III, 416; Jacob Weil (Responsa, $191, p. 64a, $192, p. 65b) wondered why “some people recite the Vidduy (‘Confes- sion’) under water” on the eve of Yom Kippur; perhaps this was connected with the divinatory act.

—S. Has. 285;—Berliner, op. cit., 24; Giid. III, 140, n. 1; #Z, III, 202; Wuttke, 144; Steinschneider, Heb. Uebersetz., 868, n. 120.

111-8; Franck, 183; Bischoff, 67 ff.;—Joel, II, 12; Giid. I, 219, n. 2; Orhot Kadikim, 95b; Joseph Omez, §180, p. 41; Kol Bo $41 (cf. Teshubot HaGeonim, ed. Musafia, $49).

Nishmat Hayim, III, 19; ms. Ez Hayim, 992 (581 of original); according to Grimm, III, 321, the Germans also used this device: “Losse mit schwarzen und weissen Stabchen wurden von Slaven gebraucht”; Steinschneider, op. cit., 867 ff.; HB, VI (1863), 121-2; Cat. Munich, $235; cf. also ibid. §228,8; 294,33; 299,5; and Grimn, IT, 929-30, III, 321; Giid. III, 139-40.

ch. 31.

17:5, p. 127b; cf. Albo’s Ikkarim, IV, 4, and especially Husik’s note, IV, 30.

Graetz Fubelschrift, 34; ms. Raziel, 21bf., 47a ff., ed. of Amsterdam 1701, 34b.

Gaster, Sword of Moses, 39, 865).

Mélusine, II (1884), 483; Elworthy, 443 f.; Summers, 184-5; Daiches, Baby- lonian Oil Magic in the Talmud and in the later Fewish Literature, London 1913.

308 JEWISH MAGIC AND SUPERSTITION

are some minor differences between these two readings of the text; I have left the word which Grunwald reads as “‘Gerte” untranslated; Giidemann could not make it out. Grunwald took it to be the German word for “rod,” that is, the hazel-rod which the Germans regarded as holy and which served so often as the magician’s wand. But since the text speaks of no “rod” the word is best left in its obscurity. Passages in Dr. Johann Hartlieb’s book on forbidden sciences, written in 1455, are strikingly similar to the text here translated: When the reflective medium (of which Hartlieb mentions several) has been prepared, ‘“‘darnach nimbt er ain rain kind, und setzt das uf ainen schénen stul [elsewhere he writes, “etlich maister... setzen das kind in ir schoss’]... so stat der zaubermaister hinder im und spricht im etliche unerkante wort in die oren... und haisst im das rain kint die wort nachsprechen... so haisst er in sehen was er sech... darnach fragen sie den knaben, ob er icht sech ainen engel? wan der knab spricht ja, so fragen sie was varb er anhab? spricht der knab rott, so sprechen die maister ie, der engel ist zornig, und baten aber mer... wan dan der tiiifel bedunkt, das er dienst geniig hab, so lasst er erscheinen den engel in weiss, so ist den der maister fro... so fragt er dan so lang bis er sicht puchstaben. die selben puchstaben sambent dan der maister und macht daruss wort, so lang bis er hat darnach er gefragt hat.” Grimm, III, 428, 431-2; cf. alo Giid. III, 130-1. It might almost seem from these selections that one is a copy of the other, or that both are derived from a common source. It is probable, however, that they are inde- pendent accounts of a rite whose details were fixed and unvarying. The versions from late Oriental, North African and Spanish Jewish mss. which Daiches (14.ff.) printed differ very little from the medieval accounts. Rashi, in the eleventh century (San. 67b), mentions that a black-handled knife is required in invoking the “princes of the thumbnail”; three mss. from Spain, Tunis and the Orient, dating from the 16th to the 18th centuries (Daiches, 14, 18, 22), do not fail to include the black-handled knife! So tenacious and unalterable were the elements of the magic act! Other references to this method of divination are to be found in: Hochmat HaNefesh, 16d, 18a, 20c, 28d, 29a; Ziyuni, 10c; Redak on Ezek. 21:26; Nishmat Hayim, III, 19.

of Rothenburg (ed. Budapest) §498; Tashbez, §580; cf. Yore Deah 179:16. Daiches (p. 32) has suggested that the custom of looking at the nails during Habdalah, as well as other practices affecting finger-nails, may be connected with the frequent evocation of the “princes of the nail.” The ceremony of looking at the nails can by no means be regarded as an act of onychomancy, as finger-nail divination is called (cf. Giid., MGW, LX [1916], 137). However, the late prac- tice of enclosing the thumb within the other fingers during the course of this rite (cf. Ta‘ame HaMinhagim, I, $415, p. 53a) may have been influenced by the belief that the ‘“‘princes” inhabit the thumbnail in particular, since this nail was most often used in divination, and the finger should therefore be hidden from view. A medieval ms., giving directions for throwing lots, warns that one should not hold them with the thumb, “‘because demons, called ‘princes of the thumb,’ have power over that finger” aad will defeat the purpose of the lot-caster; Stote schneider, HB, VI (1863), 121; cf. Orah Hayim 179:6.

Rashi; Rashi on I Sam. 28: 12; Pa‘aneah Raza on Lev. 19:30, p. g1b; Lev. RK. ch. 26; cf. also Nishmat ea 11,:7.

NOTES 309

90; Yore Deah, 179:14 and comment of Lebush; J. Hansen, 208; Ziyuni, roc.

ms. Raziel, 24b f.; cf. San. 65b, which speaks of spending the night on a grave “so that a spirit of uncleanness may rest on one’; Rashi interprets this “the spirit of the grave.” Myrtle, hazel and hawthorn are the woods favored in magic, and most often prescribed for the indispensable magician’s staff, the divining-rod, the witches’ broomstick, etc.; cf. Summers, 121; Samter, 73 f.; A. Marmorstein, The Doctrine of Merits in Old Rabbinical Literature, London 1920, p. 18, n. 61.

Giid. II, 333-7; see also Perles, op. cit., 36 and Grimm, II, 8193 ff. for German parallels. Prof. Ginzberg considers the only parallel in older Jewish literature to be the account of the raising of Joseph’s coffin by Moses (see his Legends, III, Bt.)

172; see also Neubauer and Stern, 67.

mat Hayim, Ill, 3; foseph Omez, 351;—S. Has. 291; Gaster, Exempla of the Rabbis, $391, p. 150; G. A. Kohut, “Blood Test as Proof of Kinship in Jewish Folklore,” Journal Amer. Or, Soc., XXIV (1903), 129-44; according to Franz M. Goebel (Fiidische Motive im Marchenhaften Erzahlungsgut, Gleiwitz 1932, pp. 160 ff.) the legend of the blood-test in German folklore was derived from Jewish sources. The sympathy that prevails between close relations is further exemplified by the fact that when one twin is in pain, the other also suffers (Hochmat HaNefesh, 30c).

Abrahams, Jewish Life in the Middle Ages, 377; MGW7, X (1861), 264-5; Zunz, Kur Geschichte, 173 f.

15

The Talmud's Dream Interpretation Manual

Jewish Magic and Superstition, Ch. 15Public DomainAdaptation
Editorial adaptation — no source text has been imported for this passage yet. This is a JewishMythology.com retelling, not the original.

Dreams occupied a unique space in Jewish tradition, neither fully trusted nor fully dismissed, they hovered between divine communication and meaningless noise. The Talmud devotes extensive passages in tractate Berakhot (55a-57b) to dream interpretation, and medieval Jewish authorities took these discussions with profound seriousness. SAFE0 Trachtenberg showed how an elaborate dream culture flourished in medieval Ashkenazi life, complete with interpretation manuals, protective rituals, and even a formal prayer to neutralize bad dreams.

The central question was always: where do dreams come from? The Talmud offered multiple answers. Some dreams are divine messages delivered by angels. Some are demonic deceptions. Some are simply the residue of daytime thoughts. Hai Gaon, the 11th-century Babylonian authority, acknowledged the tradition that each person has a personal "genius of dreams", an angel who appears as an old man to one person, a youth to another, though he admitted he had never personally encountered such a being. Simon Duran (d. 1444) went further, defending dreams as reliable even in scientific matters, noting that the physicians Galen and Ibn Zohr had solved medical problems through dream-visions.

The timing of a dream mattered enormously. Dreams in the early hours of the night were considered unreliable, influenced by digestion and bodily humors. Dreams near dawn carried greater authority, the soul, having rested, was more receptive to genuine messages. The Sefer Hasidim and Hochmat HaNefesh (the vital soul) both discuss these timing distinctions in detail.

Meir of Rothenburg, the great 13th-century Ashkenazi authority, was renowned as an expert dream interpreter. The tradition of seeking divine guidance through dreams reached its most remarkable expression in the She'elot U'teshuvot Min HaShamayim (Responsa from Heaven), a collection of halakhic questions supposedly answered through dreams, attributed to SAFE0 of Marvège (12th century). The work was controversial but influential, suggesting that heaven could deliver legal rulings while a rabbi slept.

Bad dreams required ritual action. The Talmud prescribed a dream-annulment ceremony (<i>hatavat halom</i>) performed before a panel of ten men, in which the dreamer declared the dream good and the panel affirmed it three times. Fasting after a bad dream was standard practice, the codes permitted fasting even on Shabbat (the Sabbath) for this purpose, a remarkable exception that revealed how seriously the tradition took the threat of an evil dream.

16

Mazal, Zodiac Signs, and Poisoned Water at the Equinox

Jewish Magic and Superstition, Ch. 16Public DomainSource text

Source Text

8; Nishmat Hayim, III, 21; Moses of Tachau lent his support to this Maimoni- dean position in his anti-Maimonidean polemic (Ozar Nehmad, III, 82), and severely criticized “those men to whom the spirit of Torah is foreign, who busy themselves with astrology and believe in it and make it their creed, and thereby bring harm to others.” See 7£, II, 243 ff. and Ef, III, 578 ff., for a general sur- vey of the rabbinic material. The use of the word mazal, “star,” “‘constellation,” to signify “luck” may be seen in the Talmud; in the Middle Ages it was more frequent. ‘‘We call good fortune, good mazal, and the reverse, bad mazal... in German it is Glick and in Italian ventura” (Levita, Tishbi, s. v. mazal). This usage of the word did not displace its astrological sense in the vernacular until modern times.

‘Der Tierkreis in der Tradition und im Synagogenritus,” MGW7, LIX (1915), 241-67; L. Low, Gesammelte Schriften, II, 115-31; F£, II, 241-5; A. Marx, “The Correspondence between the Rabbis of Southern France and Maimonides about Astrology,” HUCA, III (1926), 311-58; A. Z. Schwarz, “Iggeret R.

g12 JEWISH MAGIC AND SUPERSTITION

Abraham b. Hiya HaNassi,” Ad. Schwarz Festschrift, Berlin 1917, 23 ff. (Hebrew section); “Beraita de Mazalot,” Ozar Midrashim, ed. S. A. Wertheimer, Jerusalem 1913, pp. I-7 (Introd.) and 1-28 (from which Raziel seems to have borrowed extensively); Abraham b. Hiya HaNassi, Megillat HaMegaleh, ed. Julius Gutt- man, Berlin 1924; Raphael Levy, The Astrological Works of Abraham ibn Ezra, Paris 1927; Bischoff, 124 ff.; see also pp. 69 f., 208 above. Some of the more important references are: Shab. 156a-b and Rashi, M.K. 28a; Teshubot Ha- Geonim (ed. Harkavy) 206 ff.; S. Has. 989, 1447, 1453, 1516; Eleazar of Worms, Commentary on S. Yezirah, 14¢; Nizgahon, 145; HaHayim, I, 3, III, 6, IV, 10; Isserles, Yore Deah, 179:2; Nehmad veNa‘im, §298, 303, which enumerates the cities and countries governed by each Zodiacal sign. See also Thorndike I, 306, 353 f., II, 6, 42, 183, etc. According to one view, God “appointed” a star for each man before even the earth was created; Raziel, 21a; Eleazar of Worms, op. cit., rb; Kammelhar, 41. As was pointed out in the chapter on angelology, the stars were personalized by associating angels with them, so that each planet had its own archangel, and each man “an angel of his star.’? See the references there cited, and also Rashi, Meg. 3a; Hochmat HaNefesh, 8c, 16d; Pa‘aneah Raza on Ex. 13:3, p. 73b; Yom Tob Miihlhausen, HaEshkol (ed. Judah Kauf- man), 145.

Commentary on Sefer Yezirah, 12a; Montgomery, 97-8; Thorndike, II, goo.

143;—Thorndike, IV, 413 f.; Leket Yosher, II, 17-18; Giid. III, 128-9; cf. Neh- mad veNa‘im, §295, 297.

20c ff.; Hochmat HaNefesh, 17b; Rokeah, 353; HaHayim, V, 6; Iggeret Ha- Tiyul, 8a, ga-b; Or Hadash, 15; Grunwald, M7V, XIX (1906), 109-10; Giid. I, 154; Thorndike, I, 113, 679, II, 582 ff., etc.; Wuttke, 58 ff.; cf. Nehmad veNa‘im, §8, 98, 107, 301.

Eleazar of Worms, Commentary, 12a; MG7V, VIII (1901), 114; ms. S. Gema- triaot, 84b; cf. Wuttke, 63; Griinbaum, Ges. Auf., 227; Thorndike, III, 103 ff.

Weil, 74b; Tyrnau, Minhagim, 28a; Mateh Moshe, 965; foseph Omez, $739, p. 165; Lebush on Yore Deah, 116:5;—Rabiah, I, 348-9; Raben, 371; Ber Heteb on Yore Deah 116:6;—Yore Deah 179:2 and the comment of Lebush; Foseph Omez, 349; Eleazar of Worms, Commentary, 21d; a 16th century ms. (N. Brill, Jahrbiicher, 1X [1889], 5) accounts for the prejudice against beginning under- takings on Monday and Wednesday on the ground that bed (the two Hebrew consonants which designate these days) in Persian signifies “bad,” but this ex- planation is far-fetched; cf. Ginzberg, Legends, V, 39, n. 109. Parallels to this Monday-Wednesday superstition may be found in German belief (see Berliner, Aus dem Leben, 90-1): “Montags Anfang hat keinen guten Fortgang”’; “Was man Montags beginnt wird nicht Wochenalt”; Grimm, III, 463, $821; see also Thorndike, I, 672 ff.; Grim, II, 953 ff.; Wuttke, 88; Steinschneider, Ueber die Volkslitteratur, 15-16.

Schabuothfeste sich der Eheschliesung zu enthalten,” Fiid. Ztschr. f. Wiss. u. Leben, VII (Breslau 1869), 81-96; I. Lévi, “Le mariage en Mai,” Mélusine, VII (1895), 105 ff., VIII (1896), 93 f.; Abrahams, fewish Life in the Middle Ages, 184; Giid. I, 276, n. 1;—Rokeah, 355; Tyrnau, Minhagim, 14b; Mateh Moshe, 686-8; Orah Hayim 493:1-4; Leket Yosher, I, 97-8.

NOTES 313

179:23 Isserles, Eben Ha‘Ezer, 64:3; foseph Omez, 349; ‘Emek Beracha, II, 52, p. 62a;—S. Has. B 59; Semak, 136; Griinbaum, Fiidischdeutsche Chrest., 260; joseph Omez, 348;—Testament of Judah, §56, 57; B’er Heteb on Orah Hayim 260:1; cf. Abrahams, op. cit., 185; Berliner, op. cit., 91; Digot, III, 184; Grimm, Il, 595; Wuttke, 57-8.

man dem Vollmonde drei Verbeugungen macht, bekommt man etwas geschenkt”; Kizgur Shelah, 136; JE, XII, 618; Lipez, 130 (cf. S. Has. B 97); Ta‘ame Ha- Minhagim, I, 55a, 8432; Thorndike, IV, 282. II (1912), 122-6 and Ginzberg, “Arba‘ Tekufot,” ibid., III (1913), 184-6, for a survey of the Jewish material; Teshubot HaGeonim (ed. Musafia) §14; Joel, II, 24-5; HaManhig, Hil. Seudah, 818; cf. Wuttke, 63 f., 78 f., 301, also 85: “Am Georgi-Tage, 23 Apr., soll niemand Brunnenwasser trinken, dann 6ffnet sich die Erde und lasst ihr Gift aus”; Grimm, II, 590, III, 454: ‘Bei Sonnen- finsterniss decke man alle Brunnen, das Wasser wird sonst giftig.” Griinbaum, op. cit., 144, mentions a Coptic belief that on Midsummer Day or near it, the archangel Michael discharges a drop into the Nile which makes its water un- drinkable. There is also a remark that during Nisan (the month in which the Spring Equinox occurs) a poisonous, jelly-like substance falls on vegetation (HaPardes, 23a).

wald, MGV, V (1900), 84 ff.; J7V, I (1923), 217; Schudt, II, 29:13, p. 108; Giid. I, 206; Wuttke, 104. In Northern Italy the peasants went out into the fields on Midsummer Day to seek “‘the oil of St. John,” which had wonderful proper- ties, on oak leaves. Briick, 45 ff., suggests that the Jewish belief may be con- nected with the Phoenician Adonis rites, celebrated during the midsummer season at a river near the Syrian Byblos, when the river ran red with the blood of the dying god.

Mordecai, Pes. §894, pp. 20d-21a; Maharil, 6b; Leket Yosher, 1, 70; Responsa of Israel Bruna, $36, p. 16b; Isserles, Yore Deah, 116:5; Orah Hayim 455:13;— Hagahot Maimuniot, Hil. Pes., 458:9; Tyrnau, Minhagim, 8a; Shibbole Ha- Leket, 211, p. 171. An attempt was made to explain the use of iron on the ground that Ex. 7:19, speaking of the first plague, predicts that all the streams and all water stored ‘in vessels of wood and in vessels of stone” will turn to blood, omit- ting metal receptacles; another, Kabbalistic, explanation was that the consonants of the Hebrew word for iron, barzel, are the initials of Jacob’s wives, Bilhah, Rachel, Zilpah, and Leah, and that these ladies protect the water against the spirits (Isserlein’s supercommentary to Rashi, Ex. 7:19; Briick, 41-2). Ziyunt, 42a, has the note that “in many places they call the Tekufah ‘Wasserkalb’ ”; Giidemann’s suggestion (III, 130) that this ailment, dropsy (“‘Wassersucht, ahd. auch wazarchalp”) may have been traced to the Tekufah is borne out by Schudt (IV, 2, p..270): “so jemand in solchen Augenblick [of the Tekufah] auch nur das gerinste von Wasser trincke, so bekomt er Wassersucht und andere Kranck- heiten.”

Pitron Halomot, I, 8:1; Thorndike, IV, 134 and index, s. v. “Astrological Medi- cine.”

B14 JEWISH MAGIC AND SUPERSTITION